Democracy at Risk

Ewa Rokicka, Jeremy Leaman, Dieter Eißel

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ISBN/ISSN:

978-83-8220-017-1

DOI:

Wydawnictwo:

Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Rok wydania:

2020

Liczba stron:

200

XML:ISBN/ISSN:

ONIX MARC21

Bibliografia:

Rokicka, Ewa; Leaman, Jeremy; Eißel, Dieter. Democracy at Risk. Red. . Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2020, 200 s. ISBN 978-83-8220-017-1

Bibliografia refWorks:

RT Book, Whole

SR Electronic(1)

A1 Rokicka, E.

A1 Leaman, J.

A1 Eißel, D.

T1 Democracy at Risk

PB Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

PP Łódź

YR 2020

SN 978-83-8220-017-1

Bibliografia BibTex:

@Book{ 228650, author = "Rokicka, Ewa and Leaman, Jeremy and Eißel, Dieter", editor = "", title = "Democracy at Risk", publisher = "Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego", year = "2020", address = "Łódź", isbn = "978-83-8220-017-1" }

Bibliografia endNote:

TY - BOOK

AU - Rokicka, Ewa

AU - Leaman, Jeremy

AU - Eißel, Dieter

ED -

TI - Democracy at Risk

PB - Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

CY - Łódź

PY - 2020

SN - 978-83-8220-017-1

ER -

Netografia (standard APA):

Rokicka, Ewa; Leaman, Jeremy; Eißel, Dieter. Democracy at Risk [baza danych online] Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2020 [dostęp: 22 07 2024]. Dostęp w Ibuk Libra: https://libra.ibuk.pl/reader/democracy-at-risk-ewa-rokicka-jeremy-leaman-228650.

Democracy, welfare state, populism, nationalism, extreme-right parties, inequality in Europe, xenophobia facing immigration

The book analyses the threats to democracy that are associated with the rise of extreme-right parties and xenophobia in European Union countries. The authors show that the growing distrust towards democratic institutions and the increasing strengt...

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ISBN/ISSN:

978-83-8220-017-1

DOI:

Wydawnictwo:

Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

Rok wydania:

2020

Liczba stron:

200

XML:ISBN/ISSN:

ONIX MARC21

Preface7
1. Aspects of Democracy11
1.1. Introduction11
1.2. Democracy, nationalism and populism16
Bibliography24
2. The harmful impacts of market dogmatism and austerity policy25
2.1. From the welfare state to the “competition state”25
2.2. Greece as a laboratory for austerity policy26
Bibliography33
3. Rising inequality in Europe35
3.1. Introduction35
3.2. Description of inequality in Europe36
3.3. Causes of the inequality growth47
3.4. Consequences of increasing inequalities56
Conclusion64
Bibliography65
4. EU strategies to combat regional inequality and poverty69
4.1. Introduction69
4.2. The objectives of convergence70
4.3. The goals of EU’s regional funding72
Bibliography77
5. Better regulation and more democratic culture through the governance concept in the European Union79
5.1. Introduction79
5.2. Outdated structures80
5.3. Complex policy decision-making82
5.4. The broad meaning of governance from the EU’s perspective85
5.5. The principle of subsidiarity87
5.6. Involving civil society90
5.7. Transparency92
5.8. The Open Method of Coordination93
5.9. Better regulation complying with the proportionality principle95
5.10. “Smart Regulation”: a new strategy of governance97
5.11. Conclusion99
Bibliography100
6. The case of Germany: reasons for the growth of “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) in the former GDR103
6.1. Introduction103
6.2. Failing convergence despite the German system of interstate equalisation104
6.3. Poor economic conditions in the former GDR108
6.4. Conclusion114
Bibliography117
7. Case study UK: populism in Britain – the bitter harvest of financialisation, value-extraction and inequality119
7.1. Introduction119
7.2. Britain’s singularity: the blessing and the curse of history121
7.3. Financialisation and the new hegemony of disorder130
7.4. Financialisation: politically irresponsible, economically destructive and socially corrosive131
7.5. The weaponisation of insecurity in British political culture before the 2016 referendum140
Bibliography149
8. Case Study Poland153
8.1. Poland and the European Union. Disputes and controversies153
8.2. Poland and the Copenhagen political criteria158
8.3. Poland and economic criteria161
8.4. Poland and volitional criteria163
8.5. Polexit?164
Bibliography168
9. Rising xenophobia facing immigration169
9.1. The challenge169
9.2. The background of mass immigration to Europe171
9.3. Emergence of populist right-wing parties173
9.4. Peaceful multiculturalism at risk178
9.5. Humane alternatives to risky migration and xenophobia – needed steps to reduce harmful migration182
Bibliography189
10. What should and could be done to regain democracy193
Bibliography199

DemocracyatRisk…

MaastrichtTreatiesandtheLisbonStrategycommittheEuropeanUnion(EU)

toneoliberaldogmawithitsdemonisationofstatedebtandofactivefiscalinter-

vention,andaprimarystressofbudgetaryausterity.Memberstatesarethusmore

concernedtoavoidthesanctionsoftheStabilityandGrowthPactandtoencour-

ageprivateinvestmentviaucrowding-in”strategies,includinggenerousreductions

incapitaltaxes.Whiletaxharmonisationmakesveryslowprogress,memberstates

becomecompetitorsforthefavoursofinternationalinvestors,therebyriskingthe

intergovernmentalsolidarityinvokedintheEU’susocialcohesionrhetoric”

.The

EUthusappearsasacompetitiveEuropeinwhichintergovernmentalsolidarityis

atrisk(Händel,Puskarev2016).

Thedataconfirmthedominanceofmarketdogmatisminpolicy-making.De-

spitesocialpolicycommitmentstogreaterequalityandwelfareinthemember

states,theEU’sfailureisclearlyevidentinagreaterdegreeofinequalityandin

highlevelsofpoverty,wherehigherunemploymentrateshitthealreadyvulnera-

blesectionsofthepopulation.Incomeandwealthinequalitiesroseinallmember

statesoverthelastfourdecades.Furthermore,thepoliticalresponsestothecrises

triggeredbythe2008financialcrisis-namelyausterity-exacerbatedthesocial

situationinthecountries,worsthitbybudgetaryproblemsandincreasingdebt.It

ishardlysurprising,therefore,thatmanyEuropeancitizensbecameprofoundly

disappointedbypolicy-makersandbypolicyfailure,andincreasinglyattractedby

therhetoricoftheemerginggroupofright-wingpopulistparties.

Italyexemplifiesthedramaticandrapidriseofpopulistparties.The2018gener-

alelectionsawtwomajorpopulistpartiesemerge,theFive-StarMovementandthe

Lega(formerlyLegaNord),toformacentre-rightcoalitiongovernment.Despite

cleardifferencesincertainpolicyareas,theysharedbothamarkedEuroscepticism

andanoppositiontoimmigration.UndertheleadershipofSalvini,thecoalition

hasdirecteditsmainfocusonblockingimmigrationbutbegantoemphasizeoth-

erpopulistthemes.TheLegaconsequentlyformedaEuropeanalliancewithother

right-wingpopulistpartiessuchasFrance’sRassemblementNatuional,theNether-

lands’PartyforFreedomandtheFreedomPartyofAustria.UnderSalvini,theLega

reachedrecordheightsofpopularity,bothintheNorthandintherestofItaly.

TheFiveStarsMovementpromotespoliciesusuallyadvocatedbytheItalian

Left,likecitizen’sincomeandenvironmentalissues.Nevertheless,itsEurosceptic

andanti-immigrationattitudeclearlyputsitintothecategoryofpopulism.The

short-livedpopulistcoalitioninItalyreflectedabroadertrendofEuroscepticism,

where-accordingtothestandardEurobarometer90from2018-afull48%of

respondentsinthe28MemberStatesindicatedalackoftrustintheEU.Figure1.1

showsdifferencesbetweenthestates.

Risinganti-democraticattitudesandtheincreasingstrengthofextremeright

partiescanthereforebetracedbacktoaparadigmchangeinthepoliticaleconomy

fromaKeynesianwelfarestatetoaneoliberalucompetitionstate”

.Thischange,

witherodingwelfare-levels,dilutedlabourprotectionandderegulationhasledto

wideninginequalitiesbetweenrichandpoor.

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