European Union Policies at a Time of Crisis

Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse

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ISBN/ISSN:

978-83-7383-826-0

DOI:

Wydawnictwo:

Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

Rok wydania:

2017

Liczba stron:

353

XML:ISBN/ISSN:

ONIX MARC21

Bibliografia:

Grosse, Tomasz Grzegorz. European Union Policies at a Time of Crisis. Red. . Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2017, 353 s. ISBN 978-83-7383-826-0

Bibliografia refWorks:

RT Book, Whole

SR Electronic(1)

A1 Grosse, T.G.

T1 European Union Policies at a Time of Crisis

PB Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

PP Warszawa

YR 2017

SN 978-83-7383-826-0

Bibliografia BibTex:

@Book{ 185190, author = "Grosse, Tomasz Grzegorz", editor = "", title = "European Union Policies at a Time of Crisis", publisher = "Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar", year = "2017", address = "Warszawa", isbn = "978-83-7383-826-0" }

Bibliografia endNote:

TY - BOOK

AU - Grosse, Tomasz Grzegorz

ED -

TI - European Union Policies at a Time of Crisis

PB - Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

CY - Warszawa

PY - 2017

SN - 978-83-7383-826-0

ER -

Netografia (standard APA):

Grosse, Tomasz Grzegorz. European Union Policies at a Time of Crisis [baza danych online] Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2017 [dostęp: 01 09 2024]. Dostęp w Ibuk Libra: https://libra.ibuk.pl/reader/european-union-policies-at-a-time-of-crisis-tomasz-grzegorz-grosse-185190.

In recent years, and more specifically, since the outbreak of the Eurozone crisis in 2010, the model of integration has changed. The rising political power of the strongest Member States and the political segmentation of the European Union into se...

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ISBN/ISSN:

978-83-7383-826-0

DOI:

Wydawnictwo:

Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

Rok wydania:

2017

Liczba stron:

353

XML:ISBN/ISSN:

ONIX MARC21

Introduction. European Policies and Change in the EU Integration Model9
Tomasz Grzegorz GrosseIntroduction9
1. The growing importance of intergovernmentalism10
2. What kind of an integration model emerged during the crisis?17
3. Political segmentation in Europe23
4. Main research questions and hypotheses28
1. Systematisation of Concepts and Models Related to Differentiated Integrationand Political Segmentation33
1.1. Differentiated integration and political segmentation33
Joanna ZiółkowskaIntroduction33
1.2. The beginnings of the debate on differentiated integration36
1.3. The second wave of the debate39
1.4. The debate in the 1990s42
1.5. The differentiation debate following the Amsterdam Treaty46
1.6. A classification of differentiated integration categories50
1.7. A proposed classification53
Conclusions56
2. European Union Foreign Policy at a Time of EU Crisis and Fragmentation59
Paweł J. Borkowski, Małgorzata SmutekIntroduction59
2.1. The appeal of a Europe engulfed in crisis62
2.2. Implementation of the Lisbon Treaty in times of crisis69
2.3. EU international activities in a regional and problem-related approach,in the context of the crisis and the threat of fragmentation75
Conclusions82
Jacek CzaputowiczIntroduction85
on the Common Security and Defence Policy85
3.1. The impact of the crisis on the CSDP87
3.2. Positions of Member States with regard to the CSDP90
3.3. Division lines in the CSDP96
Conclusions99
4. Economic and Financial Crisis in the European Union:The Definition of the Concept and Scholarly Discussion Over It103
Artur Nowak-FarIntroduction103
4.1. The economic and financial crisis in the Eurozone104
4.1.1. The characteristics of the Eurozone Crisis105
4.2. The Eurozone crisis as a crisis of the EU’s economic governance system113
Conclusions123
5. Social Policy at a Time of Changes in the Model of European Integration131
Jadwiga Nadolska, Krzysztof SzewiorIntroduction131
5.1. Social policy in the process of European integration132
5.2. Social policy in times of crisis135
5.3. The place of European social policy in the new architectureof economic governance in the EU138
5.4. Forms of interference of EU bodies in Member States’ social spheres,within the framework of the new economic governance140
5.4.1. Assistance packages140
5.4.2. The European Semester146
5.5. European social policy: between supranationalityand intergovernmentalism150
5.6. Growth of asymmetry in the social sphere between North and South152
Conclusions153
6. Cohesion Policy During the Eurozone Crisis157
Tomasz Grzegorz GrosseIntroduction157
6.1. The influence of the crisis on the cohesion policy159
6.2. Increased intergovernmental or community action?163
6.3. Divisions and hierarchy between Member States168
6.4. The dividing line in cohesion policy170
Conclusions176
7. The Common Agricultural Policy at a Time of Crisis179
Justyna MiecznikowskaIntroduction179
agrarian structure and production potential181
7.2. Divisions in the Common Agricultural Policy: consequences of different directpayments schemes182
7.3. Negotiating the MFF: on financing the post-2013 CAP185
7.4. Discussion on the post-2013 CAP: disputes and divisions within the EU191
7.5. CAP reform and segmentation of the EU194
Conclusions200
8. Energy Policy and the Change in the Model of European Integration203
Kamila PronińskaIntroduction203
8.1. Energy policy in the contemporary processes of European integration204
8.2. Determinants of EU energy policy during the crisis in the Eurozone209
8.3. Intergovernmentalism vs. the community method in EU energy policy213
8.4. EU energy policy – a mechanism to augment segmentation in the EUor an area in which these tendencies can be halted?221
Conclusions: Energy policy at a time of crisis – divergent challengesand conflicting interests?229
9. European Union Climate Policy – the Crisis as a Catalyst for Change233
9.1. On the essence of climate change and EU climate policy233
Research objectives233
9.2. Conditions and division relating to climate policy costs236
9.3. Towards a new integration model in European Union climate policy244
9.4. The Climate and Energy Package 2030 and the deepeningof divisive tendencies246
9.5. Segmentation in the EU climate policy253
Conclusions256
10. Intergovernmentalism vs. Supranationalism in the Migration Policyand Home Affairs of the European Union259
Jolanta SzymańskaIntroduction259
10.1. The direction of “communitarisation”: a historical developmentof cooperation in the area of home affairs and justice261
10.2. Reversing the trend? The area of freedom, security and justicein the post-Lisbon period263
10.3. A change in the political mood, and the unfavourable atmospheresurrounding migration264
10.4. The first cracks – the “Arab Spring” crisis and the Schengensystem reform266
10.5. The migration crisis and the fight over the distribution of refugeesin the European Union271
10.6. Freedom of movement – not under the same rules for everyone?274
10.7. “De-Lisbonisation” of cooperation in the field of home affairs:the implementation of the Stockholm Programme and EU prioritiesin the area of freedom, security and justice for the years 2015–2019276
Conclusions278
Summary. Towards Regional Disintegration Theory281
Tomasz Grzegorz GrosseIntroduction281
1. Results of crises284
2. Increased intergovernmentalism and the hierarchy of power289
3. The ambiguous role of the Commission and the weakeningof communitarianism292
4. Divisions in the EU296
Conclusions: Towards a theory of regional disintegration300
Bibliography307
About the Authors341
Index of names345

Introduction.EuropeanPoliciesandChangeintheEUIntegrationModel

oftheCommission.Onthecontrary,thatautonomyhasinfactbeenlimited,with

increasedsupervisionofintergovernmentalinstitutionsovertheworkoftheEuropean

Commission(Bickertonetal.,2015b:713-715).Atthesametime,theCommission

ceasedtobetheleadingexecutiveinstitutionfordecisionsofnationalgovernments.An

examplewastheentrustingofthetaskofimplementingfinancialaidforcrisis-affected

countriestotheso-calleduEuropeantroika,”formedbytheCommission,andrepre-

sentativesoftheECBandtheInternationalMonetaryFund.Thisundoubtedlyrestricted

thefreedomanddiscretionofactionoftheCommissionwhenperformingthattask

(Hodson,2015).Otherscholarspointoutthat,althoughtheimplementationpowersof

theECincreased,thesewereatthesametimerestrictedinrespectofpoliticalinitiative

andthedecision-makingprocess(Fabbrini,2015a:27;Fabbrini,2015b:266).Itcanbe

concludedthattheenforcementpowersoftechnocraticinstitutionsareontheincrease,

whereastheirpoliticalpowersarenot(Mény,2014:1344-1345).Itisclearlyvisiblethat

powersweretransferredfromtheMemberStatestotheEuropeanlevel,andostensibly

concentratedinthehandsofintergovernmentalinstitutions.Yetinformally,thesehave

beentakenonbythelargestMemberStates.TherealpowerinEuropewastransferred

intotheirhands,andthedisciplinaryprocedureoftheEuropeanSemesterwasjustone

ofthewaysinwhichameanstothatendwasprovided.

TheincreaseddelegationofpowerstotheCommissionwasconsistentwiththeGer-

manapproachtoEuropeanintegration,alreadybeforecharacterisedbyastrength-

eningofthetechnocraticinstitutionsoftheEUwithaviewtoagreementsconcluded

bytheMemberStatesbeingimplementedmorereadily.WithrespecttoEMU,this

mostlyinvolvedimplementationoffiscalcriteria.TheprocedureoftheEuropean

Semester(likethesubsequentarrangementsoftheFiscalCompact)wastherefore

supposedtosupportGermananti-crisisobjectiveswithrespecttofiscalconsolidationin

theMemberStates.Accordingtoobserverswhobelongedtotheinnercircleofadvisers

ofPresidentBarroso,theCommissionrepresentativesduringthecrisisweregreatly

influencedbyGermandiplomats,andinmostcasessupportedthestanceregarding

anti-crisispolicyadoptedbyBerlin(Sandbu,2014).Owingtothis,theyearnedBerlin’s

trust,anditwasthankstothatthattheCommissionexpandeditspowersineconomic

governance.However,insodoing,itbecamemoreofatoolforcarryingforward

theobjectivesofthemostinfluentialnationalpoliticiansthananautonomousplayerin

Europeanpolitics(Zielonka,2014:19).Someevencallthisuthestraitjacket”withwhich

creditors,andnotablytheGermangovernment,restrainedtheCommission(Schmidt,

2015:109-110).Anadditionalelementtothoserestraintswasthedelegationofwide

powerstotheCommissionerresponsibleforeconomicandfinancialmatters.Until

2014,thisfunctionwasperformedbytherepresentativefromFinland,whosestance

ontheanti-crisispolicywassimilartothatofGermany.Thepurposewastoreduce

thepreviouscollegialitywithintheCommissionand,consequently,thepossibilityfor

MemberStatesotherthanthecreditorstoexertaninfluence.

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