Poland's Foreign Policy after 1989

Roman Kuźniar

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ISBN/ISSN:

978-83-7383-256-5

DOI:

Wydawnictwo:

Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

Rok wydania:

2009

Liczba stron:

375

XML:ISBN/ISSN:

ONIX MARC21

Bibliografia:

Kuźniar, Roman. Poland's Foreign Policy after 1989. Red. . Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2009, 375 s. ISBN 978-83-7383-256-5

Bibliografia refWorks:

RT Book, Whole

SR Electronic(1)

A1 Kuźniar, R.

T1 Poland's Foreign Policy after 1989

PB Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

PP Warszawa

YR 2009

SN 978-83-7383-256-5

Bibliografia BibTex:

@Book{ 42380, author = "Kuźniar, Roman", editor = "", title = "Poland's Foreign Policy after 1989", publisher = "Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar", year = "2009", address = "Warszawa", isbn = "978-83-7383-256-5" }

Bibliografia endNote:

TY - BOOK

AU - Kuźniar, Roman

ED -

TI - Poland's Foreign Policy after 1989

PB - Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

CY - Warszawa

PY - 2009

SN - 978-83-7383-256-5

ER -

Netografia (standard APA):

Kuźniar, Roman. Poland's Foreign Policy after 1989 [baza danych online] Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2009 [dostęp: 14 07 2024]. Dostęp w Ibuk Libra: https://libra.ibuk.pl/reader/polands-foreign-policy-after-1989-roman-kuzniar-42380.

The first monograph about the Polish foreign policy after 1989. Roman Kuźniar focuses on the main challenges of the period in question: regaining sovereignty and establishing a solid foundation for Poland’s security as well as economic and c...

Więcej

ISBN/ISSN:

978-83-7383-256-5

DOI:

Wydawnictwo:

Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar

Rok wydania:

2009

Liczba stron:

375

XML:ISBN/ISSN:

ONIX MARC21

INTRODUCTION7
I. POLAND’S FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE 198913
1. The Foreign Policy of the Second Republic of Poland14
2. The External Relations of the People’s Republic of Poland23
3. Foreign Policy in the Programmes of the Democratic Opposition36
1. An International Turning Point: The 1989 Spring of Nations43
II. 1989–1992: REGAINING SOVEREIGNTY43
Internal Transformations48
Transforming the Basics of Poland’s Foreign Policy52
The First Important Steps58
2. The European Direction64
Bilateral Relations with Western European States64
Association with the European Communities70
3. Central-Eastern Europe. The New Regionalism and Relationswith the East76
The Renaissance of Central Europe77
The Third Republic’s Policy Towards the East82
4. Security During Transition95
The CSCE in Poland’s Security Policy98
Development of Relations with the USA102
NATO108
5. Other Challenges114
1. Security First125
III. SECURITY: THE BATTLE FOR THE ATLANTIC, 1993–1998125
The Battle for NATO126
Other Aspects of Foreign Security Policy137
2. European Policy150
Struggle for the Right to EU Membership150
Bilateral Relations with Selected Western European Countries161
3. Policy Towards Central and Eastern Europe170
Policy Towards the Post-Soviet Union Countries170
Policy Towards the Changing Central Europe182
Bilateral Relations with the Countries of the Region183
4. Other Issues188
Poland in the UN193
Poland’s External Economic Relations197
IV. EUROPE, EUROPE – POLAND ENTERS THE EU, 1998–2002204
1. Accession to the European Union205
EU’s Preparation for the Enlargement205
Membership Negotiations209
How Much Poland in What EU?223
Bilateral Relations with EU Member States229
2. Security: Poland Stretches Its Wings239
New Poland in the Changed Alliance239
“Mature Strategic Partnership” with the USA?247
Other Security Policy Issues255
3. Improving Relations with the East257
Better Atmosphere in Relations with Russia257
Sisyphean Labour in Relations with Ukraine265
No Change in Relations with Belarus271
Gentle Twilight of Central Europe273
4. Other Problems278
Non-European Countries in Poland’s Foreign Policy278
Poland’s Involvement in the UN Reform Initiatives283
Foreign Economic Policy – Initial Results288
1. The New Context to the Foreign Policy294
V. TRAPS IN THE FIGHT FOR A STRONG POSITION, 2003–2007294
2. Poland in the EU – Lacking Both Vision and Allies306
3. Towards the Americanisation of Poland’s Security Policy324
4. The Eastern Policy – Prometheism in Reverse338
CLOSING: A DIFFICULT FREEDOM353
EPILOGUE, OR A RETURN TO NORMALCY364
INDEX369

1.TheForeignPolicyoftheSecondRepublicofPoland

theirreconcilableambitionsoftheEuropeanpowerslefttheLeagueinastateof

paralysis).ItwasPolandwhichinJuly1927putforwardadraftresolutionwhereby

memberstatesofLeaguewouldhaverenouncedwarfareasameansofresolving

disputes.Thoughrejectedatthetime,theideare-emergedintheKellogg–Briand

Pactadoptedayearlater.February1929inturnbroughtthesigningbyWarsawof

theLitvinovProtocol,thisimmediately(fromthemomentofsignature)introduc-

ingprincipleslaiddowninthePactintoallrelationsbetweenEasternEuropean

countries.

However,withtimePolandcametodoubtthesecurityguaranteestheLeague

ofNationscouldoffer,interaliathankstothewayinwhichtheOctober1925

LocarnoTreatyviolatedtheprinciple(albeitonlytheformalprinciple)regarding

equalsecurityofGermany,seasternandwesternneighbours,thewayGermany

usedtheforumprovidedbytheLeaguetoattackPolandoverits1934renounc-

ingoftheso-called"PolishMinorityTreaty”,and–ultimately–thewayinwhich

GermanywasabletojointheLeagueonthebasisofpermanentmembership(as

opposedtoPoland,ssemi-permanentstatus).

Themostdifﬁculttaskourdiplomacyfacedbackthenwastoensurethatboth

GermanyandtheSovietUnionkepttheirdistancefromPoland.Thisremained

relativelyeasyintheimmediateaftermathofWorldWarI,whenbothpowerswere

weakandisolated,butitcametobemoreandmoredifﬁcultastimepassed.Aﬁrst

"war”wagedbyGermanyagainstPolandcommencedin1925andlasteduntil

1934,ifonlyintheformofacustomsdispute.Onlyin1926diditprovepossi-

bletoconcludeanagreementregulatingcross-borderrelationsbetweenthetwo

countries.Paradoxically,thesigningofadeclarationonthenon-useofviolence

betweenthetwocountrieshadtowaituntilafterAdolfHitlerhadalreadycometo

power.Needlesstosay,Hitlerhadnointentionwhateverofrenouncingtheuseof

force,butitwasusefulforhimtocalmthesituationinthisway,toallaysuspicions

inorderthathemightdrawuphisplansforaggressionundisturbed.Ofcourse,it

wouldnotbetruetosaythatPolandgainednothingfromthis,sinceabreathing

spacewasatleastoffered,andachancetoseekremedialmeasures.Thefactthat

PiłsudskihadabsolutelynoillusionsregardingNaziGermany,sintentionsismade

clearbytheproposalheaddressedtoFranceregardingajointly-pursuedpreventa-

tiveconﬂictthatwasaimedatbringingdownHitler.Alas,labouringunderthefalse

senseofsecuritytheMaginotLineseemedtobeaffordingit,Francelackedthe

psychologicalmotivationtobecomeentangledinsuchahigh-costventure.2

WhererelationswiththeSovietUnionwereconcerned,aTreatyofRome

favourabletoPolandhadinitiallybroughtaboutaparticularkindofcessationof

hostilities.However,PolandonlyrecognisedtheUSSRinDecember1923.Two

yearslater,theSovietswereproposingtheconclusionwithPolandofanon-aggres-

2SeethebroadertreatmentofferedbyK.Mazurowain:Skazaninawojnę[Condemnedtowar],

WydawnictwoMON,Warsaw,1979.

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